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世界名人演講稿第1篇AsAmericansgathertocelebratethisweek,weshowourgratitudeforthemanyblessingsinourlives.Weare下面是小編為大家整理的世界名人演講稿必備7篇,供大家參考。
As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. Were grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. Were grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.
We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.
The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.
The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw Americas generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.
The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. Were fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. Were grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.
埃米林.潘克赫斯特演講稿
自由或死亡
演講時間：1913年
潘克赫斯特是一戰前英國婦女參政運動的領袖之一，且她的名字經常與該組織聯系在一起。她曾多次被逮捕并監禁，這篇演講則發表于其出游美國期間。直到1928年，英國婦女才被賦予與男子一樣的投票權利。
今天我到這里來，不是為了宣傳，因為不論爭取婦女參政權的運動在美國居于何等地位，這個運動在英國已經超出了宣傳的范圍而進入了實際政治活動的階段。它已成為革命和內戰的主題，所以我今晚不是來宣傳婦女參政權的。在美國爭取婦女參政權的人能很好地開展她們自己的工作。我是作為一個為了解釋婦女所發動的內戰是什么樣子——對這一點還得進行解釋，這看來似乎很奇怪——而暫時離開戰場的士兵來到這里的。
我不僅是作為一名暫時離開戰場的士兵來到這里，而且——我認為這是我此行的最奇怪的方面——是作為一個被自己國家的法庭判定為對社會毫無價值的人而來參加這個集會的;由于我的活動，我被認定為危險人物，被判處在已決犯監獄中服苦役刑。所以，你們看，聽這樣一個不尋常的人向你們講話是有一種特殊興味的。我敢說，在你們許多人心目中——你們或許會原諒我這種個人的風格——看起來，我既不很像士兵，又不很像已決犯可是事實上我是集這二者于一身的。
探究婦女采取戰斗性方法的經過需要用很長的時間，因為第一次用戰斗一詞來說明我們的活動是在八年以前，婦女第一次采取戰斗行動已經八年了。其實，這種活動，除了激起那些反對它的人的戰斗性外，根本不是好斗的。
婦女在政治集會上提出的問題沒有得到答復，可她們沒有采取任何激烈行動。人們公認，在政治集會上提出問題是所有參加公共集會的人的權利;在我自己的國家里，男人們是經常那樣做的，我希望他們在美國也那樣做，因為，在我看來，如果你們讓某些人進入立法機構而不問他們在那里將做些什么，你們就沒有行使和履行公民應有的權利和應盡的義務。
不論怎么說，在大不列顛，向議員候選人和政府成員提出問題是一種習慣，一種由來已久的習慣。在婦女選舉權問題出現于政治領域之前，沒有人因為提出問題而被排除于公眾集會之外。由于提出問題而被排除于政治集會之外的第一批人是婦女;她們受到殘酷的折磨;她們發現在24小時的期限終止以前自己已被關進監獄。聽命于政治家的一些報刊不是把好斗的罪名和對好斗的責備放在那些攻擊婦女的人身上，而是聲稱好斗者全屬婦女，婦女應該受到嚴厲的譴責。
被打得渾身青紫，傷痕累累的，不是那些不愿回答問題、確應加以譴責的在講臺上講話的人，也不是會議上的招待員，而是婦女，她們僅僅因為在街上舉行了_集會，會后即被捕，投入監獄了。然而，我們竟因那種活動而被稱為好斗。我們很愿意接受這種名聲，因為對我們來說戰斗性是歷史悠久、值得尊重的，你們不是有“戰斗教會”嗎?就精神上的戰斗性而言，我們的確是十分好斗的。我們決心促使給予婦女以選擇權的問題得到解決，以便使我們不再像以往50年中為政治家所忽視，50年來婦女們耐心地使用了一切可用的方法以贏得政治選擇權。
經驗將向你們表明，如果你真想做成一件事，那么你是否得到別人的同情這無關緊要。如果不是實際的支持，僅有同情未必就能令人滿意。對于注重實效的爭取婦女參政權的人來說，她并不在乎是否得到那從未起過作用的來自別人的同情。她所需要的是使某件實事得以做成，至于那事之做成是出于同情抑或恐懼，甚或由于人們企盼重享安寧而不愿再受打擾，只要那事已經做成，就都沒有什么特別意義了。50年間我們得到過足夠多的同情，卻從未因而得益;與其看到一位紳士年復一年地走上我們的講臺侈談他對婦女參政權的熱忱，還不如看到一個憤怒的男人去對政府說，我的生意受到了阻礙，我不能容忍由于你們不給婦女以選舉權而使我的事業繼續受到干擾。
有人說：“把她們關進監獄，就能阻止她們的活動?！钡撬齻儧]有停止活動。他們把婦女投入監獄，處以長期徒刑，理由是她們招人厭惡——這是他們手持請求書走向下議院大門時說的原話;他們以為把她們送進監獄，哪怕只關一天，就足以使她們安靜下來，就不會再有麻煩了?？墒鞘聭B的發展完全不同：婦女們沒有屈服，而是繼續戰斗，并且有越來越多的婦女參加進來，甚至一次達到300人之多。她們沒有觸犯任何一條法律，而只是如政治家們所說的“招人厭惡”。
對爭取婦女參政權持反對態度的人或持批評意見的人的全部論點只是：你可以統治別人而不必得到他們的同意。這些人對我們說：“政府建立在力量的基礎上，婦女沒有力量，她們必須屈服?！蹦敲?，我們卻向他們表明：政府根本不是建立在力量的基礎之上，而是建立在意見一致的基礎上。只要婦女同意接受不公正的統治，她們就會受到不公正的統治;但是婦女們直截了當地宣稱：“我們保留我們的同意，只要政府是不公正的，我們就不會接受它的統治?！蹦銈儾荒芤勒檀騼葢鸬奈淞θソy治異常軟弱無力的婦女。你可以殺掉一個婦女，她倒因此可以擺脫你，但你仍不能統治她。我認為，這就是我們一直在向世界表明的最重要的一點。
現在，我要對那些認為婦女不會成功的人說，我們已迫使英國政府面對這樣的選擇：或者是婦女們被殺掉，或者是婦女們得到選舉權。我要問這個集會上的美國男人：如果在你們國家里，你們面對著或者把婦女殺掉或者給她們以公民權的選擇，你將怎么說?婦女中的許多人是你們所敬重的，你們知道她們中許多人的生平事跡是值得稱頌的，你們知道——即使不是你們個人所認識的——婦女中有許多人為崇高的動機所激勵，追求自由，力求獲得為公眾提供有益服務的力量。那么，對這個選擇只有一個答案;如果你無意于使文明倒退兩三代，那就只有一條出路：你必須給婦女以選舉權。這就是我們的內戰的結局。
你們在獨立戰爭中，通過流血和犧牲生命，在美洲贏得了自由。在你們決心解放黑奴時，你們通過犧牲生命打贏了內戰。你們把婦女自救的工作留給了你們國家的婦女，一切文明國家的男人都把這件工作留給了婦女。這也就是我們英國婦女正在做的工作。生命對我們是神圣的，但我們說如果將有什么人犧牲生命，那就將是我們;我們自己不愿那么做，但我們將使敵人處于這樣的境地：他們必須在給我們以自由或給我們以死亡這二者中作出抉擇。
威廉.里昂.菲爾普斯演講稿閱讀的喜悅
演講時間：1933年
菲爾普斯是一位就職于耶魯大學英語系達四十年的作家與學者。這篇演說入選十大演講稿是因為它是對書籍與閱讀的偉大論述。在納粹黨開始燒毀反對者的書籍之前一年，這篇演說在收音機中被發表。
以下是演講摘錄：
『借來的書，就如同家里的賓客，必須要細心、體貼地對待。你必須要保證它不被毀壞;它不能在你的家中受到委屈。你不能漫不經心地隨手亂放，你不能在書里做記號，你不能折書頁，你不能隨便使用它。然后的某一天，雖然很少人能做到，但是你確實應該歸還它。
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God"s children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We"re grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We"re grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.
We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.
The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.
The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America"s generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.
The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We"re fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We"re grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nations capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of Gods children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
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